A Derivational Approach to Syntactic Relations by Samuel David Epstein, Erich M. Groat, Ruriko Kawashima, PDF

By Samuel David Epstein, Erich M. Groat, Ruriko Kawashima, Hisatsugu Kitahara

ISBN-10: 0195111141

ISBN-13: 9780195111149

ISBN-10: 1423759591

ISBN-13: 9781423759591

A primary idea in all syntactic theories is that of a syntactic relation among syntactic items. whereas contemporary paintings within the Minimalist Framework has tried to provide an explanation for the character of syntactic items by way of basic and conceptually worthwhile assumptions concerning the language college, the relatives that carry among syntactic gadgets has now not been equally explored. The authors begin such an exploration and argue that sure primary family akin to c-command, dominance, and checking family members might be defined inside a derivational method of structure-building.This process has major effects about the structure of the syntactic part. Semantic and phonological interpretation needn't function upon the output phrase-structure illustration created by means of the syntactic derivation. Interpretation is extra easily computed derivationally, by way of analyzing the stairs of a derivation, instead of the only output constitution created by way of it. the result's a brand new and arguable level-free version of the syntactic part of the human language college. This topical and well timed Minimalist research will curiosity specialist and theoretical linguists, syntacticians, and a person attracted to modern ways to syntactic thought.

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Extra resources for A Derivational Approach to Syntactic Relations

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Thus (14'a) is true, but (14'b) is false: (14') a. If A and B were merged, then A C-commands B and B Ccommands A. b. If A C-commands B, then A and B were merged. Y, but Da was merged with neither the head Vlikes nor the complement Dit As a solution to this problem confronting our attempt to entirely deduce representational C-command from Merge, we make the following observation: notice that although Da was not merged with Viikes nor with Dit, Da was merged with Vb. But now recall that Vb = {V likes ={ v likes, D i t } } consists of three terms: (1) {Vb [Vlikes, D i t }} (the whole Vb subtree in (15)), (2) Viikes, and (3) Dit.

Q: Why doesn't X C-command the first branching node dominating X, but instead only the categories dominated by the first branching node. A: X was not paired with the first branching node dominating X, by Merge or by Move. c. Q: Why is branching node relevant? A: Assuming bare phrase-structure (Chomsky 1994), no category is dominated by a nonbranching node: Free Projection (as in Chomsky (1993)) is eliminated. Structure Building (Merge and Move) consists of pairing; hence it invariably generates binary branching .

And and Blocking Category Z is a blocking category for Y iff i. Z is not L-marked, ii. Z dominates Y. L-marks X L-marks Y iff X is a lexical category that theta-governs Y. Theta-Government X theta-governs Y iff i. X is a zero-level category, ii. X theta-marks Y, iii. X and Y are sisters. While such an approach constitutes an impressive, highly explicit, and unified analysis of a number of seemingly very disparate syntactic phenomena, it arguably suffers from the four problems noted in A-D above.

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A Derivational Approach to Syntactic Relations by Samuel David Epstein, Erich M. Groat, Ruriko Kawashima, Hisatsugu Kitahara


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